Mossad Seeks to Rebuild U.S. Trust After Iran Debacle

Mossad Seeks to Rebuild U.S. Trust After Iran Debacle Controversial former tank commander Roman Gofman cleaning house at the Mossad to help Netanyahu shift blame for Iran failure to underlings. Since taking office as Mossad chief two months ago at the agency’s headquarters in Glilot, a few miles north of Tel Aviv, the newly appointed and inexperienced director, Maj. Gen. Roman Gofman, has dismissed three of the organization’s senior operatives. At first glance, this may appear to be an internal Israeli affair. But it could have significant international ramifications, particularly for the Mossad’s relationship with the CIA. Three weeks ago, Gofman met at CIA headquarters in Langley, Va. with CIA Director John Ratcliffe and the agency’s senior officials responsible for the Near East Division, part of the Directorate of Operations. According to Israeli sources, the meeting was warm and cordial, despite a language barrier. Gofman, who was born in the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic of the former USSR and immigrated to Israel at the age of 13, does not speak English. He also has limited familiarity with American culture and politics. But the greatest challenge facing Gofman—and the organization he now leads—is the erosion of trust between Israel and the United States, particularly between President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in the aftermath of the failure of the war against Iran. Leaks to the American media attributed to U.S. officials have painted a picture in which Trump blames Netanyahu and former Mossad chief David (Dadi) Barnea for presenting an overly optimistic assessment of the feasibility of bringing down the Iranian regime. The prospect of regime change was one of the key factors that persuaded Trump and the CIA, which was involved in the planning, to support going to war on February 28 (even though CIA Director John Ratcliffe initially thought the plan “farcical,” according to Regime Change: Inside the Imperial Presidency of Donald Trump, by New York Times journalists Jonathan Swan and Maggie Haberman). Restoring trust and rebuilding the close, intimate relationship between the Mossad and the CIA is therefore believed to be one of the considerations behind Gofman’s decision to dismiss the three senior officials, all of whom were involved in planning the regime-change operation. Gofman, a 50-year-old former brigadier general in the Armored Corps, dismissed the head of the Mossad’s Intelligence Directorate and the head of the agency’s campaign against Iran. Earlier, he had also dismissed his own deputy—an operative whom he himself had approved for the position. The deputy was deeply involved in planning the operation to topple the regime in Tehran, an operation that ultimately never came to fruition. Former Mossad chief David (Dadi) Barnea and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had reinforced one another’s belief that the Iranian regime could be brought down through an invasion by Iranian Kurdish forces from Iraqi Kurdistan, combined with a psychological campaign intended to bring masses of Iranians into the streets. Trump and the CIA were persuaded that the plan was feasible. But the operation never got off the ground because Trump backed down over objections from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who feared that a Kurdish invasion of Iran would ultimately fuel Kurdish aspirations for an independent state inside Turkey. Cleaning House From the Israeli political and intelligence perspective, there are three possible reasons why Gofman has purged the Mossad’s top echelon. First, he is seeking to remove everyone appointed by Barnea and thereby consolidate his personal control over the organization. Second, he is sending a message that the “Mossad idiots” who led Netanyahu and Trump toward the failed attempt at regime change have paid the price—and that, with their removal, everything is now back on track. Third, Gofman’s actions may be his way of repaying Netanyahu for having appointed him. Gofman is a protégé of the prime minister and, in particular, of Netanyahu’s influential and controversial wife, Sara. Two years ago, he was appointed the prime minister’s military secretary. This has long been Netanyahu’s method: When failures occur—as in Gaza—responsibility is pushed down onto the operational echelon. Those carrying out the missions are portrayed as the people who repeatedly fail and cause failure, while the political leadership bears neither blame nor responsibility. Will this damage the Mossad in the long run? Probably not. There have been upheavals at the top of the organization in the past whenever a new director took office. The institution is greater than the sum of its individual parts. Moreover, contrary to the Mossad’s public-relations narrative and the mythology surrounding it, Israel’s Military Intelligence agency Aman has, during most of its existence, been more important than the Mossad and has contributed more to Israel’s overall intelligence picture and operational capabilities. Now, however, the damage to the Mossad’s reputation caused by its Iranian overreach, and by the hubris surrounding its ambition to topple the Tehran regime, is likely to further undermine its standing. Gofman is sending a message that the “Mossad idiots” who led Netanyahu and Trump toward the failed attempt at regime change have paid the price—and that, with their removal, everything is now back on track. Right Man for the Job? None of this, however, dispels the question marks surrounding Gofman’s appointment or his conduct since taking command—conduct that has, at times, resembled that of an elephant in a china shop. Gofman is a war hero who fought and was wounded in the battle against Hamas on October 7, 2023. But now he faces an even more challenging battle: leading an agency that has long cultivated an image of near-omnipotence and convinced its counterparts around the world—and especially its closest and most important ally, the CIA—that it remains one of the best intelligence services in the world. The Mossad maintains liaison relationships with nearly 150 countries and organizations. For Gofman, the challenge is not merely to restore order inside the agency. It is to restore confidence in it abroad—and, above all, to rebuild the trust of the Americans. First rate brief! oy !