We are ready to go immediately": the Cuban-American millionaires waiting in Miami for the fall of the Cuban government

"We are ready to go immediately": the Cuban-American millionaires waiting in Miami for the fall of the Cuban government In the sumptuous mansion of one of the most prestigious plastic surgeons in Miami, overlooking Biscayne Bay, some of the wealthiest Cuban-American families in Florida have gathered. They are there to discuss the future of Cuba at the fourth meeting of the newly created National Cuban-American Chamber of Commerce (Cancc). With Ron in hand and a Rolex on the wrist, this is the old aristocracy of Miami. People with well-known Cuban-American surnames, such as Bacardí and Babún, chat around the pool about the lamentable state of the island's economy and share gossip about the latest political events. "The intention of this evening is to bring together the most prominent Cuban-American entrepreneurs of Miami-Dade county under one roof," explains Juan Omar Sixto, president of the Cancc. "The goal is to be in Cuba once the regime falls." Their guests are convinced that this moment is near. This influential community of Cuban exiles detests the communist government since the deceased revolutionary leader Fidel Castro expropriated their lands and nationalized the businesses of their families after taking power in 1959. And over the years, they have used their political and economic influence in Florida to shape Washington's policies towards their homeland. Sixto fled the island when he was a teenager. Now, with just over 80 years old and dedicated to real estate development, his organization is developing plans for what he calls "the day after" in Cuba. The Cancc has developed a proposal for a Cuban Stock Exchange and has formed committees on various topics, from energy infrastructure to food security. Planning for the expected post-communist era is nothing new in Miami. Over the decades, different interest groups have developed countless documents and logistical plans, some of them more sober and measured than others. The difference now, insists Sixto, lies in the Trump administration's determination to force a radical change on the island. And he claims to have the support of some influential contacts, including people close to the U.S. Secretary of State, Marco Rubio. "Along with the delivery of humanitarian aid and medical supplies, we would go into business in Cuba immediately," says Sixto. Skepticism in Cuba In Cuba, these kinds of statements are usually met with skepticism. In response to Washington's "maximum pressure" campaign against Cuba, the island's government recently announced 176 economic liberalization measures. The Cuban president, Miguel Díaz-Canel, stated that these measures seek to "promote the defense of socialism, support, and expand social justice." To his critics, these measures clearly resemble capitalism in its fullest expression: they eliminate the limit on the number of workers in a private company, allow the direct hiring and firing of Cuban employees, and authorize the ownership of multiple companies at once, even by Cuban-Americans. However, those attending the Cancc meeting dismiss the economic reforms as superficial, considering that they do not offer significant guarantees to investors. Sixto emphasizes that he will not set foot in Cuba while the current regime remains in power. Some analysts consider these planning meetings premature. Although the Cuban-Americans are convinced that change is imminent in Cuba, no one can be certain what it will consist of: an American military operation like the one in Venezuela in January? Or a new economic pact with the island government? "At this moment, the very high expectations created by the U.S. government that some kind of 'day after' would soon arrive, or that Cuba 'would be next,' have been postponed," says Mike Bustamante, an associate professor of History at the University of Miami. Given the proximity of the mid-term elections in the United States in November and with the Trump administration immersed in the "predicament" of the war with Iran, Bustamante maintains that there is little interest in new adventures abroad. "It is really difficult to think that they will intensify the situation beyond what they are already doing, which is this constant trickle of sanctions." With the supply of oil from the island practically interrupted since January, this already represents a significant escalation, notes Mike Bustamante. Although they have made life unbearable for most ordinary people, they have not yet created the conditions for a political turning point in Cuba, he adds. The Cuban government has not commented on the Cancc itself. However, traditionally these types of groups provoke indignation among the revolutionaries, who insist that they will not be expelled by their critics in Miami. I ask some guests if they realize the irony that the same people who support one of the main causes of the island's misery—the U.S. economic embargo that lasts for decades and the current fuel blockade—now imagine plans for its reconstruction, without the participation of most Cubans. For the Cuban-American agricultural expert Hugo Orizondo, the most practical thing is to draw a roadmap for Cuba's development. "Right now, Cuba is like a black hole; we do not know what is happening there," he admits. "But we do know its potential [for investment]." Orizondo says he understands the Cuban reluctance for foreign investors to acquire something as delicate as the rights to arable land. "But what will they do with them?" he retorts. "When the investors arrive, they bring money and technology." In his opinion, both are urgently necessary if Cuba wants to produce enough to feed its own population and break its dependence on food imports. The question of land Property titles are fundamental to any reconstruction project proposed by this generation of wealthy Cuban-Americans. Juan Omar Sixto recounts that his father lost five properties and a farm in the Cuban province of Pinar del Río due to the revolution. Although he insists that he does not intend to evict any family living there, he demands compensation for the nationalized lands. "I worked on that farm for five years of my life with my father, and they took it from me. I want compensation or indemnification. Even if they give me only a small part, I will accept it." "It is moral justice," he argues. The Cuban government presents these historical claims of property titles as an act of resentment from a corrupt landed aristocracy that amassed fortunes at the expense of service workers and slaves. Both slavery and servitude did not disappear in Cuba until the late 19th century. The government further argues that the exiles would never have accepted that Castro approved agrarian reforms that gave their lands to the workers and the State. "Most of our sugar mills have been dismantled, but we will recover those lands and put them into production," affirms Nicolás Gutiérrez, president of the National Association of Sugar Mill Owners of Cuba, an organization in exile that claims the right of the property owners. "I don't promise it will be in sugar," he admits. "It could be in ethanol, cogeneration, solar panels, or water purification cells. Who knows? There are many different options," he comments. "We need them to start producing, we need fair wages for Cuban workers, and we need to create a multiplier effect in the economy of the entire island." With ice tinkling in their drinks and a fresh breeze swaying the palm trees in the impeccably maintained lawn, the members of the Cancc make it seem easy. But a few hours after their meeting, Cuba plunged into its sixth national blackout of the year. The disconnect between the hopes for change in Miami and the reality in Cuba is evident. Many Cubans residing in Miami believe that the transcendental change for which they have prayed is about to arrive. If so, it will inevitably cause enormous social and humanitarian disturbances for which the island, already affected, is unprepared. Even assuming that the support of the diaspora is well-intentioned and not purely selfish, it is estimated that repairing the island's poor electrical grid will cost between US$8,000 and US$10,000 million. Before any industry in Cuba—from agriculture to tourism—can be revitalized thanks to the wealth and political connections of the exiles, Cubans continue to face a severe shortage of food, water, fuel, and medicine. Setting aside Miami's ambitious plans, most Cubans simply wait for their situation to improve a little soon. This article was originally written in English and we used an artificial intelligence tool to translate it. A BBC journalist reviewed the text before its publication. More information on how we use AI. - Download the new BBC World Service app. Choose BBC News Mundo and receive news, documentaries, and analysis alerts, all in one place. Important: the new application is not available in the UK or the United States. - You can also follow us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, X, and our WhatsApp channel. - And don't forget to subscribe here to our newsletter to receive a special selection of our best content every Friday.