Mahmud II: Reformist Sultan of the Ottoman Empire

Mahmud II was one of the most influential sultans of the Ottoman Empire. As a radical reformer, he strove to implement military and governmental reforms to prevent the empire from collapsing. His removal of the Janissary corps, the establishment of new government institutions, and new measures regarding appearance brought about radical changes in the Ottoman army and society, and because of this very reason, he was known as "Infidel Sultan." He laid the foundations of the modern state structure not only through military reforms but also through measures such as the first census, the first official gazette (Takvim-i Vekayi), the establishment of modern ministries (Interior, Foreign Affairs, etc.), and the modernization of the bureaucracy. The era in which Mahmud II (1785-1839) was born was a period of crisis for the Ottoman Empire. In addition to economic struggle, the Ottomans were in a state of military collapse, and no trace remained of their former days of glory. At that time, Western armies were advancing in tactics and technology, while the Ottoman military system lagged. Vast territories had been lost due to constant defeats against the Russian and Austrian empires. The Ottoman state attempted several ways to save itself from this predicament; a nostalgia for a past when the state functioned more effectively led some statesmen to argue that a return to old methods of administration was necessary, yet there were also those who believed that the solution was not in looking backwards, but in moving forward. Early Life Mahmud's uncle, Selim III (reign 1789-1807), was one of the most reformist rulers the Ottoman Empire had seen up to that point. To reverse and thus halt the empire's decline, Selim III had implemented reforms and established a modern, European-style army, the so-called Nizam-ı Cedid, which means "new order." However, by doing so, he also provoked a fierce backlash from the Janissaries (elite troops of the Ottoman army), whose interests were harmed, as it appeared to them that they were being removed or replaced. Defenders of this old order rallied behind Kabakçı Mustafa (1770-1808), ultimately forcing him to abdicate the throne in favor of his conservative cousin, Mustafa IV (1779-1808). While Selim III was living in confinement in the palace, provincial notables (ayan), such as Alemdar Mustafa Pasha (1765-1808), marched upon Constantinople in an attempt to rescue Selim. Kabakçı, who had risen from the ranks of an ordinary soldier to occupy high state offices by having installed Mustafa IV on the throne, was captured during a sudden raid by Alemdar's troops and executed by beheading. Alemdar intended to restore the former reformist Sultan Selim III to the Ottoman throne. As Alemdar's troops tried to breach the palace gates, Mustafa IV thought that if Selim III and 23-year-old Mahmud were killed, then there would be no alternative to ensure the continuity of the Ottoman throne, and so Alemdar's troops would not dare kill him and thus end the Ottoman bloodline. He initiated a search within the palace to locate them both while Alemdar's troops were attempting to force open the palace gates to rescue them. Time was running out. As Alemdar's troops stormed into the palace, the executioners, acting on Mustafa IV's order, had already seized Selim III and killed him on the spot. For Mahmud, however, the situation was different. One of the palace concubines, named Cevri Kalfa, threw ash into the faces of the soldiers who were sent to kill Mahmud. This act provided Mahmud with the crucial time he needed to escape, and he managed to hide on the palace roof. Thus, Mahmud survived by the narrowest of margins. Had it not been for Cevri Kalfa, who could say how the course of history might have unfolded today? Accession to the Throne Mahmud II, having managed to survive in this highly dangerous environment, was destined to experience a reign that was by no means easy. When he ascended the throne, the Coalition Wars in Europe were still ongoing. The Sublime Porte (as the Ottoman government was referred to) traditionally sided with France and so had antagonized Russia and Great Britain, with whom it was consequently at war. While the war with Great Britain came to an end in 1809, the conflict with Tsarist Russia continued until 1812. When Mahmud ascended the throne, the Sublime Porte was not able to rule almost any territory within its still vast borders. Everything had gone out of control. Alemdar, who now held the position of grand vizier, had a plan to revive the empire. He invited the most powerful provincial notables to Constantinople, and the Sened-i İttifak (Pact of Alliance), which is a treaty limiting the sultan's powers, was signed on 29 September 1808. Thus, the provincial notables acknowledged the sultan's absolute authority, and the sultan, in turn, also acknowledged the authority of the provincial notables. Some historians have likened this document to England's Magna Carta of 1215. Mahmud never backed the man who gave him the throne and limited his power. He did not want to be indebted to Alemdar in any way or be forced to share the power of his sovereignty with anyone else. Not long after, before the year of his accession, 1808, had even drawn to a close, the Janissaries rose against Alemdar, also aiming to put Mustafa IV back on the throne. Yet the sultan decided not to interfere in this war between Janissaries and Alemdar. While trying to run away from them, he ended up in a gunpowder magazine. Realizing that it was the end of the road, Alemdar set fire to the gunpowder, blowing himself and several hundred Janissaries up. Mahmud ordered Mustafa IV's execution, leaving him the only living heir to the throne. Serbian Uprising Mahmud's reign was not going to be an easy one, and it was full of uprisings. His rivals were not only in Constantinople, but also in different parts of the empire. Nationalist ideas started to spread as a political identity after the French Revolution, and the Ottoman Empire, just like the Austrian Empire, had different ethnicities and nations within its borders. The Ottoman state was in a deep crisis and lost control of most of its provinces. The pressure exerted by the Janissaries upon the Sultan, along with the arbitrary rule of the provincial notables, demonstrated the weakness within the Ottoman state. Serbia rebelled in 1804 in order to gain its independence from the Sublime Porte. Since the Ottoman army was at war with Russia from 1806 to 1812, it was forced to fight on two fronts simultaneously and disperse its troops along the front. When Napoleon's invasion of Russia began in 1812, a peace treaty was signed between the Ottomans and Russia. In 1813, the Ottomans were able to redeploy their troops and succeeded in defeating the rebellion's leader, Kara George (1762-1817). One of Kara George's rivals, Milosh Obrenovich (1780-1860), was rewarded for his efforts to ensure local compliance with the appointment as Grand Knez of the central Serbian district of Shumadia (Shaw, 14). The First Serbian Revolt (1804-1813) was a disappointment, and many Serbs did not accept this defeat. Now, Grand Knez, Milosh Obrenovich, in 1815, seeing that many Serbs were still resisting and not accepting Ottoman rule, decided to revolt against the Ottomans. By 1817, Obrenovich realized that achieving independence was not so easy and started to negotiate with the Ottoman government about making Serbia autonomous. However, it was not until 1829, with the Treaty of Edirne, that Serbia's autonomy was officially recognized. Independence was not achieved, but steps towards it were made. Greek Uprising Nationalism played a significant role in the outbreak of the Greek rebellion. Founded in Odessa in 1814, a society called Filiki Eteria (Society of Friends), brought the French Revolution's ideas of liberty and the nation-state to Greece. The "Megali Idea" (Great Ideal) movement, which was aiming to revive the ancient Greek civilization and the Byzantine legacy, that is, of establishing a great Greek state centered in Constantinople, had become the fundamental motivation behind the rebellion, and they wanted a state they could govern by themselves. While Mahmud was striving to gain control of the lost provinces by centralization, Ali Pasha of Yanina (1740-1822), the powerful governor of Yanina in Greece, with his own army, established a state within the state. Aiming to eliminate Ali Pasha's strong rule in Greece, Mahmud dismissed him and his sons from their official positions. This caused Ali Pasha to rebel in 1820 after disobeying Mahmud's orders. Thus, an Ottoman governor rebelled against his own state. While the Ottoman army was occupied with Ali Pasha, the Filiki Eteria believed that the opportunity for independence had finally arrived and started their own rebellion in the Peloponnese in 1821. Now two rebellions were happening at the same time. After the Ottomans had managed to kill Ali Pasha in 1822, the Ottoman army attempted to put an end to the other rebellion in the Peloponnese; however, the situation reached a complete stalemate. Sultan Mahmud sought help from the Governor of Egypt, Kavalalı Mehmed Ali Pasha (1769-1849), who sent his son Ibrahim Pasha with his fleet to assist the armies of the Sublime Porte. Kavalalı stipulated that, should he suppress the rebellion, he would be granted the governorships of both Crete and the Peloponnese. With a fleet comprising 25 vessels, he captured Navarino in March 1825, having besieged the city by both land and sea. As the historian Shaw notes: For all practical purposes, then, the Greek revolution was at an end, and with Ali Pasha of Janina gone and the Serbs cowed, Mahmut II had succeeded in reestablishing centralized control throughout most of his empire. (Shaw, 19) However, even though Mahmud managed to suppress the rebellion, Western powers such as France, Great Britain, and Russia decided that Greece should remain a part of the Ottoman Empire and continue to exist as a vassal principality. For this to occur, the Egyptian/Ottoman fleet at Navarino was destroyed without any declaration of war or prior warning. In 1828, Russia waged war against the Sublime Porte across the Balkans and the Caucasus, advancing as far as Edirne. Although the 1829 Treaty of Edirne initiated Greece's path to sovereignty, it was not until the 1830 Protocol of London that Greece was recognized as a fully independent state, which was later established as a kingdom in 1832. Auspicious Incident (Vaka-i Hayriye) It was obvious that the Ottoman army, as well as the state, had to undergo some reforms. However, the Janissaries were seen as one of the biggest obstacles against the Sublime Porte's effort to implement these much-needed reforms. They were staunchly conservative and had no desire to see the existing system undergo any kind of change. While they had once represented a strong and capable fighting force during the Ottoman Empire's glorious days, the Janissaries had, by this time, become obsolete and were draining the state treasury for nothing. If Mahmud wished to reform the Ottoman state, he would have to get rid of them; however, previous Ottoman sultans who had attempted to do so ended up getting killed – Selim III's fate was a powerful reminder. Mahmud was determined not to repeat the fatal mistakes of his uncle. Until 1826, he was compelled to pursue a path of compromise with both the Janissaries and the ulema (the class responsible for educational and judicial affairs). He appointed individuals who were either personally loyal to him or utterly incompetent to key positions within these institutions, hollowing them out from within and rendering them effectively powerless. Unlike Selim, Mahmud chose to execute his plans secretly rather than openly, and with immense patience. He had to wait until the summer of 1826 to make his move, for he understood that he would have only one shot at success, and he had no intention of meeting the same fate as Selim. Instead of establishing a separate army, like Selim III had, Mahmud decided to create an auxiliary force, known as the Eşkinci, from within the ranks of the Janissaries. Mahmud had completed his preparations and was awaiting their uprising, and finally, on 15 June 1826, the Janissary units, discontented with the situation, rose in rebellion. It was exactly what Mahmud had been waiting for; he wanted to force them into rebellion so that they could be finally dealt with. Mahmud's move was described as follows: "Like a master surgeon who ripens a raging boil with a poultice, right before making the final incision." (Beydilli) The insurgents were silenced in their barracks at the Et Meydanı by loyalist artillery in a bloody massacre. Their barracks were burned down or demolished. Resistance in the provinces – where many Janissaries served as fortress garrisons – was also swiftly crushed. (Kreiser, 325) A full-scale manhunt had begun: Janissaries were killed wherever they were sighted, and every trace of them was systematically eradicated. Their headquarters were demolished, their uniforms burned; even the Mehter band (their military marching ensemble) was disbanded, and their musical compositions were burned to ashes. Thus, one of the greatest obstacles that had stood in the way of implementing reforms for centuries was finally gone. For this reason, the event went down in history as the "Auspicious Event." Reforms Mahmud, much like the Russian tsar Peter the Great (reign 1682-1721), who lived a century before him, implemented radical changes in his state. In Russia, the streltsy, which were similar to the Janissaries, had been abolished and replaced by a new army. Following the same path, Mahmud dissolved the Janissary Corps and established in its place a European-style army known as the Asakir-i Mansure-i Muhammediye ("The Trained Victorious Soldiers of Muhammad") (Shaw, 23). Mahmud also introduced regulations regarding attire; specifically, the length of mustaches and beards was regulated so as not to exceed two fingers' breadth (Beydilli). After the Janissary Corps was abolished in 1826, the turbans and old headgear that symbolized the corps were completely banned, and the fez was introduced in their place. This transformation, which began in the army, was extended to include civil servants through a regulation issued in 1829. Traditional robes, baggy trousers (şalvar), and turbans (kavuk) were replaced by Western-style trousers, jackets (setre or frock coats), and black leather boots. Every class of Ottoman society was to obey these changes. With these reforms, Mahmud aimed to create a single "Ottoman citizen" by concealing the individual's religion, sect, and social status. Concurrently, administrative reforms were undertaken; powers previously held by individual state officials were transferred to ministries, thereby laying the foundations for institutions that have endured to the present day. These included the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finance, and the Council of Ministers. Furthermore, to publicize these reforms, he founded the Takvim-i Vekayi, the official gazette of the state. The first modern census in the Ottoman Empire was also conducted during this period. If the Empire was to survive, it was also vital to resolve the issue of education. In 1824, he made primary education compulsory for girls and boys in Constantinople. It was clear that traditional educational methods were no longer effective, necessitating a new, more secular system of education. While traditional-style schools were left untouched, a new school system consisting of arithmetic, science, and foreign languages was also created. However, another problem arose. There was an insufficient number of qualified educators to train this new generation of young people. To solve this challenge, Mahmud sent talented students abroad, and upon completing their studies there, these individuals returned and were appointed to key positions within the state. Historian N. Berkes summarizes as follows: It was he, too, who initiated the first changes in the lives of the palace inhabitants. Like his contemporary European monarchs, he was the one who ventured outside the capital, traveled, boarded steamships, and even took an interest in learning foreign languages. Due to these behaviors, he was viewed by some among the populace as a sultan who had become "infidel-like." It was he who strove to refrain from the arbitrary governance, including confiscation of property and ordering executions, that had persisted as a legacy of the habits of former sultans. (Berkes, 173). Egyptian Crisis The khedive of Egypt had sent his forces in 1824 to support the Ottoman army in suppressing the Greek rebellion. However, the campaign had eventually ended in disaster with his entire fleet being destroyed and thousands of his soldiers lost before he returned to Egypt in the Battle of Navarino. In 1831, the Egyptian khedive, Mehmed Ali Pasha, demanded the governorships of Syria, Crete, and Adana from Sultan Mahmud as compensation for his losses. The sultan's response was a resounding refusal. Apparently unwilling to accept this "no" as a final answer, Mehmed Ali Pasha dispatched his son, Ibrahim Pasha, who swiftly seized control of Palestine and Syria, and subsequently defeated the Ottoman army at Konya, a city situated in the heart of Anatolia, in 1832. The situation was critical for Ottomans. The Egyptian army was marching on Constantinople. Left in a desperate situation, Sultan Mahmud was compelled to accede to Mehmed Ali's demands and cede control of Jeddah as well. The provincial governor had succeeded in defeating the Sultan. However, Mahmud simply could not accept the defeat. How could a governor possibly defeat the Sultan? By 1839, the time for a reckoning arrived, and a campaign was launched to confront the Egyptian governor. On 24 June 1839, the two armies clashed at Nezib, and the outcome was an utter disaster for the Ottoman forces: most of the soldiers perished, and only a handful managed to escape. Meanwhile, the fleet that had set sail from Constantinople to attack the Egyptian forces was surrendered to Egypt by its admiral, Ahmed Fevzi Pasha, upon his receiving news that the sultan was on his deathbed. Mahmud died on 30 June 1839, just six days after his army was destroyed. He passed away without ever knowing the complete annihilation of his army or even his navy. Conclusion Mahmud II was a radical reformer who transformed the Ottoman State in a manner no one had ever achieved before. His reforms, however, failed to gain public acceptance; the populace perceived themselves as being crushed beneath the weight of these changes. While the extent of these reforms' success remains a matter of debate, there is no doubt that the institutions he established and the system he implemented laid the foundations for the modern Republic of Turkey. In this framework, he stands as one of the most significant sultans in Ottoman history.