France before the chaos

France before the chaos Nihilistic violence strikes republican symbols and eclipses legitimate student protests The scenes of destruction in France, the looting in shops, and the assault on public buildings have nothing to do with the students' demands, and yes, with a will to strike at the symbols of the Republic and destabilize a European democracy. The fateful day of October 17 will take time to forget. What began with a peaceful call for conditions in secondary education and purchasing power led to acts of unusual violence provoked by a minority. Images like that of the Limoges City Hall on fire will remain in memory as the moment when chaos seized a country. The events of these days can be attributed to the government's inaction in the face of social and student demands, the paralysis of an Emmanuel Macron who, after a decade in power, is a lame duck without room to maneuver and viscerally hated by a part of society, or the blockades in a political class that for decades has postponed reforms to get the economy out of a slump and reduce social divides. None of these debates should hide the essential today, and that is that protests are legitimate and in many places, justified, but violence never is. France has already accustomed the world to these images which in any other democracy would be unacceptable. Just recall the mobilizations a few days ago in Spain over the housing crisis to understand that it is possible to express discontent in the streets and demand social improvements without resorting to violence, and it is also possible to channel them into political debate. Another French particularity is that of police forces with a long history of excessive use of force and who, on other occasions, as happened on Saturday, have failed to maintain public order and avoid disorder. There is also an entire revolutionary mythology that reemerges in every social movement, such as the protests against pension reform in recent years or the yellow vests, and it refers to moments that have marked the identity of this country, from the storming of the Bastille in 1789 and the Paris Commune to May 1968. When violence exhibits the nihilistic character of this weekend and attacks public institutions, there is a corrosive effect that not only harms just causes and demands but also touches the coexistence and civil peace. Raymond Aron said that the French are a people who sometimes make revolutions, but never reforms. After October 17, it is clear that the response to the constellation of ailments is reform, which is another way of saying politics. The priority is the reestablishment of order, but neither the president nor his government can remain impassive in a society where outbreaks are periodic and more virulent. Without a parliamentary majority and with empty public coffers, the capacity for action is very narrow, but doing nothing means giving more wings to the radicals. To those who instigate disorder and see the opportunity for their longed-for revolution pending, and to those who, like Marine Le Pen, await to gain electoral results by promising law and order. The US Vice President, J. D. Vance, did not take long to proclaim on social media that the images of France are a warning about the dangers of a democratic victory in his country. The message is similar to that of Donald Trump after the massive influx of immigrants into Ceuta this summer. A crisis like this is fuel for those who, within and outside Europe, are embarking on the project of eroding and destroying our democracies, and will take any opportunity.